Iran is not making an atomic weapon and
if it had one would not use it against Israel. Anyone with any doubt
on this score should read Gordon
Prather's articles. Iran is a threat to Israel,
but not a military threat. The real danger to Israel is quite
elsewhere.
Within the states of the Middle East
are people with other, far-older loyalties, religious and ethnic,
that reassert themselves when states collapse. Iraq, as we have seen,
was a marriage of three entirely different communities held together
with a tyrannical state structure. Saddam Hussein was a tyrant,
though that did not make him Hitler. All history acknowledges that
Peisistratus, tyrant of Athens, benefited the city. Saddam, though he
repressed dissent harshly, did much to improve life in Iraq, which
was, until the United States destroyed it, the most advanced and
secular state in the region. But, abetted by the US, he launched the
Iran/Iraq war that, when he lost, sealed his fate.
In any case Saddam, if he was to hold
Iraq together, had no choice but to be a tyrant. Democracy is not
automatically a good thing, in spite of American opinion to the
contrary. His party, the Ba'ath, was a secular, socialist party. Iraq
could not afford sectarian political religious affiliation, and
Saddam repressed it. Under him Sunnis and Shi'ites, both then more
secular than religious, mixed freely. Saddam did favor Sunnis over
Shi'ites, and homeboys from Tikrit over other Sunnis. All politicians
favor their loyal retainers. Only in that way can they maintain
power. He repressed opposition, especially religious and ethnic based
opposition, brutally. Michael Aflaq, the Ba'ath founder, was western
educated and formed a party whose purpose was secular Arab unity.
Given underlying religious hostility this was only possible under a
tyranny. With its persuasive secular success, the Ba'ath sapped
religious affiliation of Sunnis and Shi'ites alike. They intermarried
and thought little of their religious differences, just as ethnic
non-religious Jews think little of marrying outside Judaism in the
United States. The war and the demonization of the Ba'ath Party,
discredited secularism and sectarian religious affiliation returned
with a vengeance. The Ba'ath Party, or something very like it, was
necessary to hold Iraq together in a secular unity bridging and
weakening religious affiliation. Iraqi unity depended upon Ba'ath
success. The American destruction of the Ba'ath party made the
disintegration of Iraq into constituent communities almost
inevitable. For the baby of secularism was thrown out with the
Ba'ath. The brutality of the secular Shah had similarly discredited
secularism in Iran.
Iran, of course, is the modern heir to
the ancient Persian Empire, but Shi'ism, in particular “Twelver”
Shi'ism, of Iran, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the other Arab kingdoms
of the Gulf, rules Iran after the revolution. Shi'ism is a branch of
Islam seen as a spiritual journey guided by an Imam
(now in seclusion), who, as a spiritual leader, is on a par with
Mohammad himself. In his place is a council of Ayatollahs who
dwell throughout the Persian Gulf. The supreme leader of Iran is
chosen by these Ayatollahs, that is not only the Iranian, but the
entire Shia faithful. As we have seen in Iraq, al-Sistani, one of
these Ayatollahs, had authority over Al-Sadr is spite of al-Sadr's
military force. The US cannot end the Ayatollahs' authority through
military means, and still less through sanctions. Since Shi'ism does
not promise secular success, deprivation of it does not discredit it.
The only power that might be ranged against it is increased secular
success, and the US bungle in Iraq ended any belief that the US could
provide that.
With the destruction of the Ba'ath
party and the end of secular pan-Arabism, the Arab Shi'ites in Iraq
are more Shi'ites than secular Iraqis. A similar transformation would
probably happen in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia if secularism
failed for them. Their ultimate loyalty will be to the da'wa, not
the nation states whose boundaries they would scarcely recognize.
Kuwaiti Shi'ites have in the past proven themselves loyal
to the
regime, revealing that they too are secularized. But, this is now
strained. With the Arab spring the same pressures that inspired
religious revival in Iraq are working in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Saudi
Arabia. For when people are deprived of the material benefits of
secularism they abandon it.
Prior to the Iraq War, its Shi'ite
communities were never able to organize politically, and they all
remained either secularized Arabs, Shi'ite in name only, or
suppressed religious Shi'ite minorities in taqiyya,
a Shi'ite term that means “concealing their true allegiance from
the worldly authorities lest persecution wipe out the faith.”i
But with Iran's independence and now Iraq's disintegration,
these Shi'ite communities have become religious. The hostility
between Sunni and Shi'ite, dating back many hundreds of years, is
flowering again. Given the hierarchical nature of Shi'ism, religious
Shi'ites must be loyal to that hierarchy. Practicing Shi'ism
is an education the hierarchy leads. It, like Orthodox Judaism,
involves all of life. The expanding Shi'ite religious/political
structure will probably look to us like an expanding Iran, but will
really be an Shi'ism, retaking its ancient form. Since all the
Ayatollahs chose the Iranian Supreme leader it is clear tht Iran is a
province of a larger entity, the da'wa.
And it will control most of the oil producing regions.
The US can do very little about this.
Given its loss in Iraq it is obviously not able to war conventionally
against Iran. Changes in US war fighting doctrine acknowledge
this. Iran's grip on the Straits of Hormuz traps the whole fifth
fleet in case of war. If the strait were closed it would be locked
into the Persian Gulf, making its resupply onerous. To extricate
itself from this vise, the US would have to use atomic weapons,
ending oil shipments from the gulf and throwing every advanced
country into political chaos. Political chaos throws fanatics and
crackpots into power. We see what kind of crackpots even the present
depression throws up. And once the taboo against atomic weapons was
gone, none of these crackpots would hesitate to use them in any war.
Candidates for president have even said so. By far the most rational
policy for the US is recognition of the impossibility of
maintaining hegemony over the Persian Gulf and rapprochement
with Iran.
Israel's survival depends upon, above
all else, its relationship to the United States. It is under no
serious military threat. A tiny country like Israel would never have
been able to develop to its present level, however ingenious its
people, without this close economic interaction with the US. Direct
US aid
is only a small part of the story. Israel's high tech firms do a lot
of business with US security departments. American Jewish political
strength, and the close connection between American and Israeli Jews
is essential for Israeli existence. Israelis can move easily into
positions of power in American High Tech and Financial Corporations,
and even into government which includes many Israelis with duel
citizenship.
The economic and political connection
is important, but the connection between American and Israeli Jews is
more important than mere economic or even political advantage. For
the economic and political connection between Israel and the US
depends upon the close connection between the American Jewish
community and Israel. Most American Jews pay little attention to
Israel, as opposed to the organized Jewish community that gives
Israel enormous support. They give this support because they believe
Israel is important to them.
Israel, for all its Judaism, is part of
western civilization. Were there to be a break between America and
Israel, ending the ease of Israeli penetration of American life, it
would be a break between Israel and western civilization itself.
Orthodox Jews, who do nothing but study the Talmud, are not that
different from religious Shi'ites who do nothing but study the Koran.
Judaism and western civilization intersect in the United States now
that European Judaism no longer really exists culturally. A breach in
this connection, inspiring the flight of westernized Jews, would
turn Israel, in all likelihood, into a Middle Eastern state. Were
Israel really to sink into rigid medieval Jewish Orthodoxy,
westernized Jews would abandon it, and it would be overcome by the
medieval logic its laws, rabbinical commentaries on laws, and
Rabbinical commentaries on commentaries on laws so completely
illustrate.
American Jews tend to assimilate unless
tightly held within this Jewish community. They then do not pay
attention to Israel and do not really believe they themselves are in
immanent danger from antisemitism. An American Jew, with the almost
complete end of American antisemitism in the fifties, is an
American, like any other. Essential to continued American Jewish
community support is the belief in Israel's importance to Jewish
life, something these assimilated Jews obviously do not feel. Indeed
it is this belief that holds these communities together. Since the
belief in Israel's importance to American Jews is identical with the
belief in eternal implacable antisemitism, and since most American
Jews have never experienced serious antisemitism, their belief
reflects Jewish historical fears now focused entirely on the image of
the holocaust. That Jews are always embattled, always threatened with
extinction, must be beyond question or its absence in experience
would undermine belief. Israel is the Jewish refuge, and its
existence, as a doomsday machine, protects Jews everywhere from this
ever present menace. The holocaust justifies the fears and, with
them, Israel's existence. Israelis often assert that assimilation
endangers them more than warfare, and it is true.
Such assimilation is a real danger. For
Israel is having a hard time persuading western Jews of Israel's high
purpose. Aliyah (immigration) from North America is up from 3720 to
4070 last
year, but this is piddling given the American
Jewish population of over 6,000,000. Until 2008 Aliyah had shown
yearly declines so Jews make aliyah more for economic reasons than
for loyalty to Israel. Many of those who make Aliyah from other
countries, especially Russia (the source of a large number of
immigrants), soon seek to leave
Israel for the West and better opportunities. Israelis of European,
especially German, descent often seek duel
citizenship, revealing that Jews do not really
fear returning to Germany and do not feel safe in Israel. They do not
fear another holocaust. Almost all American Jews in Israel retain
their American citizenship and often do not make Aliyah when moving
to Israel in spite of the tax advantages, fearing to risk loss of
American citizenship. More Israelis emigrate
than immigrate. The point is not so much demographic as it is an
indication that Israel, for most Western Jews, is not a holy place,
but simply an opportunity to be taken when it seems advantageous and
abandoned when it doesn't.
Iran's conference in 2006 examined the
holocaust. Not denial of the holocaust, but simply exposing it to
scholarly
study, challenges Israeli existence. Horror
vanishes under scientific scrutiny. It begins to take its place
alongside other comparable horrors, of which there are many. Such
study must be “beyond the pale,” and any regime that would allow
it, illegitimate.
Hostility between Israel and Iran is
not new. Israel has had hostile relations with Iran since the
revolution. Prior to the revolution, Israel, Peacock-throned Iran,
and the US formed a close alliance to control the Middle East and
undermine efforts at Arab unity. Naturally, when the Islamic
Revolution came in 1979, Israel supported the Shah against the
revolutionaries, and, with the United States, supported
counterrevolution thereafter. So there is no surprise at the Iranian
regime's hostility to Israel from the start. Iran called Israel the
“little Satan” and later supported the Lebanese Shi'ite
resistance organization, Hezbollah, and the Palestinian Hamas.
Khomeini also challenged the holocaust, but since he was a “nut
case” anyway, his criticism did not invite scholarly examination. A
scholarly conference is quite another matter. It has to be put
“beyond the pale.”
Israel supported Iran during the
Iran/Iraq war, and took part in Iran/ Contra scheme where the US
funneled arms to the Nicaraguan Contras through Israel and then Iran.
Israeli hostility to Iran, though there, was certainly not
implacable, as it is now. It is not because Iran supports Hezbollah
and Hamas that Israel now threatens it. If Hezbollah and Hamas did
not exist Israel would have had to invent them (and in a very real
way, did). They are props justifyingand illustrating Israel's
embattled state. Israel began warning of the Iranian bomb, without
any evidence, back in the nineties, but made no threats of war. The
holocaust conference is what Israel can't bear.
What
would be a crisis for Israel is rapprochement
between the US and Iran. Were US-Iranian relations to be normalized
the Iranian regime would be legitimized along with holocaust
scrutiny. The demystification of the holocaust would follow.
Hostility towards Jews would fall into context. It would cease to be
universal, implacable, and eternal. Together the US and Iran might
impose an Israeli settlement with Hamas and Hezbollah. Ubiquitous
antisemitism would lose its objective correlative. Nothing could end
American Jewish support for Israel faster than a peaceful Middle
East. For where then would be the threat? Such rapprochement
is, I believe, somewhat more
likely than it seems, though it would require a sane, courageous,
and intelligent American leader, certainly a long shot.
Again,
The US has lost its hold on the Middle East Gulf Principalities. It
has also lost
in Afghanistan. It's current foreign policy is a refusal to admit it,
that is, active self-deception. The US controlled the Persian Gulf
states with threats and unholy alliances with parasitic regimes. But
after the Iraq and Afghanistan fiascoes the United States will not
send another army into the Persian Gulf. The American fifth fleet,
trapped, presents sitting ducks to an Iranian missile and torpedo
attack. Gunboat diplomacy is over. And Iran can close the Straits of
Hormuz, if necessary by sinking tankers within its only
five-mile-wide channel. These tankers are over 300 meters long and
are unarmed. Two children in a canoe could sink one. That would
strand any American ground forces in the area, cutting off their
supply lines. The US could send drones, but could gain nothing
thereby. With all this Shi'ites would only become more religious and
less secular. Were the United States to overthrow one of the Gulf
princes the outcome would almost certainly be, as it was in Iraq, a
reorganization around religious affiliation. And the Shi'ites in
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain, certain, because of the nature of
Shi'ism, to join with Iran and the da'wa,
are in the oil producing regions. So American influence on the Gulf
Princedoms through threats is waning fast. For these threats are no
longer credible. That influence rests now only on habit.
American
financial influence in the Middle East is also rapidly disappearing
as the Gulf states realize they have nothing to gain and little to
fear from the United States. But their own people now threaten to end
these regimes. The west would like to string pipelines to avoid the
Strait of Hormus and Iran's stranglehold on it. But pipelines that
skirt the strait will not be able to transport food to Saudi Arabia
and Kuwait without large quantities of which they can expect
starvation and massive popular uprisings. To calm popular anger, they
need to reduce food prices and build infrastructure, not buy American
arms. The US has nothing more to offer. China is the country that can
build. The bungling of reconstruction in Iraq discredited any US
claim to be able to build infrastructure. In short the United States
has no real hold over the Gulf Arab states and they are turning to
Russia and China, abandoning the dollar, and doing business in yuan
and gold.
European
countries will come to their senses and realize their interest lies
with the oil producing Middle East and not with bankrupt and impotent
US. Rapprochement between them and the Shi'ite da'wa will
soon follow. They too now follow US lead only out of habit. If the US
does not launch nuclear war, it will have to eventually make peace
too, but it will gain little influence thereby, for the brutality,
corruption, and incompetence of the American war in Iraq would taint
anyone with American connections. That, in the long run will be good
for the US, which will soon have to rely upon its own resources in
any case, and the sooner the better.
So if
things just bump along the rutted road our leaders are now dragging
us down, rapprochement, first with breakaway portions of the Gulf
States, then with Europe, and finally with the US itself, is
inevitable. The only alternative is nuclear war or some other means
of human extinction. Rapprochement
with Iran, inevitable if the world continues, would be a rational
American policy even though it would be painful to the US. It would
require the US to relinquish dollar hegemony and give up its arms
sales to the Middle East, which would in turn impoverish most
Americans. But since a conventional war with Iran is not possible and
growing Shia political strength will eventually dominate the oil
producing regions, the only alternative to rapprochement
is nuclear war.
World
nuclear war or rapprochement — which
is the rational policy? Only a realistic and brave leader, knowing
that the United States cannot maintain control, would dare to
relinquish this control rather than try futilely to maintain it with
first, impoverishing self-delusion and, finally, nuclear war,
extinguishing human civilization. But, since tearing away illusion
would reveal bad news, no American run-of-the-mill, shit-faced,
political hack will do it. It would risk his career. He would
extinguish civilization instead.
Were the US to
normalize its relations with Iran, Israel, or at least its present
elite, would be in crisis. Peace would probably break out. Implacable
antisemitism would have no objective correlative. American Jews
would lose interest in Israel. Israel would lose its connection to
the west.
However,
not all Jews, and not even all religious Jews, thrive on a spiritual
diet of eternal, implacable, ubiquitous antisemitism. Neturei
Karta
is an organization of Orthodox Jews actively against Zionism or any
Jewish state. They do not fear living among the goyim, and indeed
they see this as true Judaism. They insist that the Torah forbids a
Jewish state. Jews are a race of prophets, meant to go into foreign
lands, not warriors to protect one. Members of Neturei Karta insist
that real Judaism is diaspora Judaism. All westernized Jews believe
this true, whether they know it or not. It is only because Israel is
westernized, really an outpost of Europe, that they can think it an
extension of who they are. American Jews, in the community and
outside, would not want to return to shtetls cut
off from the Western world.
They want to live here, as Americans. The educated Israeli population
feels the same connection to the West, to the US or Europe. Were
American Jews to lose interest in Israel, and Israel thereby lose its
intimate connection to the United States and its image as the
protector of the Jews, Israeli educated Jews would likely emigrate in
large numbers. But what would happen in Israel after rapprochement
only history would tell. Naturally, the best hope would be that it
would become a state of all its people.
iMarshall
G. S. Hodgson “The Secret Order of Assassins” University of
Pennsylvania Press 2005 p 12
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